Trump, don’t just seize Iran’s billions. Weaponize them

They offer leverage.The United States and its partners must soon decide who will pay to repair the energy infrastructure, ports, ships, and other assets damaged by Iran — and who will absorb the higher fuel and transportation costs imposed on American consumers. The answer should not be American taxpayers.Iran should bear the financial consequences of the destruction it caused. But Washington should resist confiscating every reachable Iranian asset and spending the money immediately. Once those assets are gone, so is much of their coercive value.Trump should ask Congress to establish an Iranian Accountability, Gulf Reconstruction, and Energy Security Fund built around a simple principle: Release for compliance, confiscation for defiance.Iranian government assets under U.S. jurisdiction would remain frozen. Congress would authorize the president to transfer them into the fund in stages whenever Iran violates defined conditions: Ending attacks against the U.S. and its partners, guaranteeing navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, abandoning attacks on energy infrastructure, assisting in mine-clearing operations, and accepting verifiable restrictions on its nuclear and missile programs.If Tehran complies, part of the principal could eventually be released through a comprehensive settlement. If it resumes its attacks or violates the agreement, another portion would be permanently confiscated for reconstruction, compensation, and energy security.This structure would give Trump both a hammer and an off-ramp. Tehran would know what continued aggression would cost — and what it could recover through verifiable compliance.Congressional authorization would strengthen the program against legal challenges, establish priorities among competing claimants, and encourage Gulf governments and other allies to participate.The fund should begin with assets connected most directly to Iran’s conduct: Property belonging to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, regime officials, sanctions-evading networks, and entities used to finance military operations. Interest generated by frozen sovereign assets could follow. Iranian government and central bank reserves should remain the ultimate source of leverage and be converted only according to the compliance mechanism.The proceeds should serve four purposes.First, they should help repair damaged ports, refineries, pipelines, power systems, and maritime infrastructure in Gulf countries. Restoring those facilities would promote energy stability, freedom of navigation, and the security of US forces and allies.The Gulf states, however, should not receive a blank check. Every dollar drawn from Iranian assets should be matched by governments and energy producers benefiting from the fund. They should also contribute to maritime security, infrastructure protection, and the rapid restoration of production and export capacity.Second, the fund should protect American consumers from extraordinary energy costs attributable to the conflict. Congress should provide temporary energy credits for lower- and middle-income households, assist transportation sectors facing exceptional fuel costs, and replenish the Strategic Petroleum Reserve after emergency releases.Iran caused the disruption. Iranian assets — not American taxpayers — should help cover its consequences.Third, the fund should compensate companies for verified physical damage and extraordinary reconstruction expenses. It must not become a corporate bailout or reimburse unlimited lost profits. Payments should be restricted to uninsured losses, essential repairs, and costs directly connected to restoring production, transportation, and refining capacity.Large awards should take the form of loans, guarantees, or recoverable investments whenever possible. Recipients would accept independent audits and repay the fund if they later collected insurance proceeds or other compensation.Fourth, the legislation must protect existing claims by American victims of Iranian terrorism. Congress should reserve a defined share for those judgments and establish a commission to resolve competing demands.A limited humanitarian allocation should also assist Iranian civilians through channels beyond the regime’s control. Washington’s objective should be to hold the responsible government accountable, not punish those living under it.Trump could attempt parts of this strategy under existing emergency powers. Acting with Congress, however, would produce greater legitimacy and leverage.Republicans could support a measure that makes Iran pay, protects shipping, strengthens U.S. energy security, and avoids taxpayer-funded reconstruction. Democrats could support consumer relief, judicial oversight, humanitarian safeguards, and restrictions against corporate windfalls. Gulf countries would gain a path to reconstruction, but only by contributing their own resources.OMAN PLAYED BOTH SIDES — UNTIL IT DIDN’T. HOW A SECRET SHIPPING DEAL IGNITED THE STRAIT OF HORMUZEconomic leverage is strongest before it is spent. Trump should not treat Iran’s frozen assets as war booty to be divided after the fighting. He should treat them as collateral for the peace that must follow.Congress should place the choice before Tehran: Comply and recover part of what remains, or continue the aggression and finance the reconstruction of everything it destroyed.Pedro Ordein is a finance and operations professional with more than 30 years of experience in public-sector governance, large-scale project analysis, and institutional decision-making.