Houthi Propaganda Laid the Groundwork for Military Escalation

Houthis rebels are threatening Yemenis with a return to civil war, the Red Sea with resumed instability, and Saudi Arabia with attacks on its energy infrastructure and shipping. The Iran-backed terror group views escalation as a means to achieve expanded influence in Yemen and Iran’s goal of increasing economic pressure on the United States. However, the Houthi propaganda system is firing on all cylinders to spin their involvement in the current conflicts — both domestic and regional — as an effort to free Yemenis from so-called Saudi oppression. The West could do more not only to counter these narratives, but to block the organizations spreading them. In particular, al-Masirah, the Houthis’ primary television channel, which amplifies its propaganda in English and Arabic, has a presence in the West that supports its operations. As an arm of a U.S.-designated terror group, American partners cannot permit the organization to operate from their territory. The Houthi propaganda machine is not new, and neither is its animosity to Riyadh. Saudi Arabia led the international coalition to counter the Houthis during the Yemeni civil war sparked by the Houthi seizure of Sanaa, the country’s capital, in September 2014. The Houthis blame Saudi Arabia for a claimed $57 billion in economic losses that the country suffered during the civil war. Al-Masirah shared narratives of “US-Saudi aggression” engaged in “economic warfare” against the country. The plight of Yemenis is undeniable—nearly half of the population faces severe food insecurity according to the United Nations. However, the Houthis exploit the suffering for their propaganda while ignoring their role in the civil war, ensuing economic collapse, and interference with international aid. In early July, the Houthis, along with their partners in Iran, developed a scheme to escalate their narrative of Saudi oppression. The Islamic Republic sent a plane to pick up the Houthi delegation to slain Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s funeral on July 3. Riyadh struck Sanaa International Airport to prevent the return flight on July 13 which forced the plane to land at a different Houthi-controlled airport. Al-Masirah described Riyadh’s strike as part of a “policy of collective punishment,” despite Riyadh conducting the strike at the request of Yemen’s internationally recognized government who claimed the operation. That plane turned out to be carrying Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) advisors as well as missile and drone components—exactly the reason that Riyadh and Yemen’s government do not allow direct Tehran-Sanaa flights. The Yemeni government had provided the Houthis with options to return their delegation directly from Tehran on Yemen’s national carrier or through third countries which would have prevented Iranian weapons or advisors. The Houthis rejected these options demonstrating that their real goal is unfettered access to their partners in Tehran. Riyadh’s prevention of the Tehran-Sanaa flight kicked off the Houthi propaganda campaign “a siege for a siege” on July 20. The Houthis announced a complete maritime blockade of Saudi Arabia supposedly in response to Riyadh’s so-called “siege” of Yemen. The group attacked Saudi vessels transporting oil through the Red Sea and energy infrastructure. The narrative attempts to tell Yemenis—frustrated with the deteriorating economic situation—that the Houthis, not the Saudis or the government, are their protectors. Simultaneously, it separates Houthi aggression from Iran’s regional campaign for both international and domestic audiences. In reality, the Houthis hope to pressure Saudi Arabia into concessions in Yemen while giving Iran additional leverage over international energy markets. Now, the Houthis are relying on their narrative to justify aggression at home. In early August, the group launched the most serious attacks on Yemeni forces across the country since a UN-brokered truce in 2022 largely brought civil war fighting to an end. Instead of acknowledging that the Iran-backed group is restarting conflict in Yemen, they claim to be targeting “Saudi aggressive mobilizations” and “Saudi enemy troop concentrations” in Yemen. Al-Masirah coverage focuses on “the Saudi enemy” and its programs echo Houthi claims that the group is targeting Saudi military assets. Colonel Majid Abdullah Al-Nuzaili, the Yemeni Armed Forces spokesman, described the recent fighting as “repeated Houthi terrorist attacks targeting civilians” as well as “sites belonging to the Yemeni Armed Forces.” The West can do more to prevent the group from having a narrative win by countering the infrastructure that enables its spread. Al-Masirah had an incorporated business in London for a decade and broadcasts on a French satellite, Eutelsat. The United Kingdom was reportedly investigating al-Masirah’s presence in early 2026, and it should release any findings on what Houthi affiliates were doing in London and prohibit Houthi-affiliated offices. Likewise, the French should remove al-Masirah from their satellites. The European Union and UK have not designated the Houthis as a terrorist organization and doing so would force governments to prohibit the group from operating in their territory. Washington can speed up action against al-Masirah’s presence abroad by sanctioning the organization. Houthi propaganda is not accessory to their kinetic activity. It is a necessary tool in the Iran-backed terror group’s fight against the west and American partners in the region. Washington should treat its propaganda arms as such: a core element of the Houthi organization. Bridget Toomey is a research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, focusing on Iranian proxies, specifically Iraqi militias and the Houthis.