Are Democrats ready to be a big-tent party again? Lawmakers from red states will find out.

The 120th Congress will feature Democratic lawmakers from some very red states and districts. In the House, some 30 Democrats will hail from districts President Donald Trump won by double digits; in the Senate, Democrats will be representing states like Kansas, Iowa, South Carolina, and potentially even Mississippi.Many of these red-state Democrats campaigned on affordability, while downplaying or taking moderate stances on divisive cultural issues. The approach helped them win large margins among independent voters, as well as some Republicans, lifting their party to the biggest congressional majority in decades.But as they prepare to join a caucus on Capitol Hill that has shifted sharply left in recent years, they may face a difficult balancing act. Already, intraparty skirmishes from the campaign and recent divisions around leadership elections are raising questions about how Democrats will navigate their bigger tent. Notably, the centrist Blue Dog Coalition, which had withered to just 10 Democrats, is poised to more than double in size. Still, it will be dwarfed by the Congressional Progressive Caucus, which will boast more than 100 members – its largest class ever. And if past clashes are any indication, those leftist members may not be happy with their more centrist colleagues if they follow through on campaign pledges to work with Republicans or fail to toe the party line on key votes.Incoming red-state Democrats “have got to be willing to buck party leadership” when it’s in the best interests of their state, says former Montana Sen. Jon Tester. J. Scott Applewhite/AP/FileThen-Sen. Jon Tester, a Democrat from Montana, leaves the chamber as the Senate prepares to advance a $95 billion aid package for Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan, at the Capitol in Washington, April 23, 2024. He says red-state Democrats need to serve their voters, not their party leadership. Mr. Tester has walked that road. He was elected to represent a red state during the Democratic wave of 2006 – another election featuring an unpopular president, a quagmire in the Middle East, and widespread concerns about the economy and government corruption. The Montanan lost his seat in 2024, along with fellow class of 2006 Sens. Bob Casey of Pennsylvania and Sherrod Brown of Ohio (who staged a comeback this year).Many former red-state Democratic lawmakers say more moderate voices and representation from rural America are exactly what the party needs. “You want someone in the caucus that has a different take,” says former North Dakota Sen. Heidi Heitkamp. “That representation was lost [in recent years], because the Democratic Party was hollowed out in the middle,” she says. “Having someone who sees it a little different will help build back the trust that people will have in the Democratic Party.”Over the past decade, the number of centrist lawmakers on Capitol Hill steadily shrunk, as both parties became more ideologically homogeneous and primary challenges weeded out moderates. Red-state Democratic senators like Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona and Joe Manchin of West Virginia, who cast high-profile crossover votes, drew torrents of criticism from Democratic activists and wound up leaving the party, becoming independents before retiring from Congress. More recently, Pennsylvania Sen. John Fetterman has become a lightning rod over votes cast with Republicans and comments praising President Trump. Most observers expect him to face a primary challenge if he even decides to run for reelection. Andrew Harnik/AP/FileFormer Sen. Heidi Heitkamp of North Dakota (right) speaks with fellow Democrat Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia before the National Prayer Breakfast at the Capitol in Washington, Feb. 1, 2024. She says that for moderate lawmakers there can be "safety in numbers." By 2024, their ranks in Congress had thinned, and Mr. Manchin left the Democratic Party to become independent later that year. One key difference for the upcoming Congress is the size of the wave: Democrats will hold as many as 56 Senate seats and an even bigger House margin, giving moderates more room to vote against their party without necessarily tipping any outcomes. And with Mr. Trump still able to veto bills, many progressive priorities will face dim prospects of becoming law, anyway.It’s helpful that the new class of red-state Democrats is as big as it is, Ms. Heitkamp notes: “There’s safety in numbers.”Democrats are even hoping to expand on those numbers in the next cycle, with some former centrist lawmakers considering throwing their hats into the ring again.“It’s always in the back of your mind,” admits former Senator Casey, who was one of the last Democrats on the Hill to call himself “pro-life” (though he largely voted with his party on abortion rights) before losing his seat to a Republican in 2024. For now, the Pennsylvanian says he’s focused on what Democrats need to do to carry forward their momentum from the election. “The clear directive of voters was: ... Do something about these costs and do it quickly,” he says. Matt Rourke/AP/FileDemocratic Sen. Bob Casey arrives at a campaign event at The End Bookstore, Oct. 17, 2024, in Allentown, Pennsylvania. Mr. Casey, one of the last Democrats on Capitol Hill to call himself “pro-life," entered the Senate as part of a 2006 Democratic wave. Two years ago he lost his bid for a fourth term. This cycle also saw wins for a number of far-left candidates, though moderates outperformed former Vice President Kamala Harris’ 2024 showing by the greatest margins. The success of progressives – including in swing states like Michigan, where Democratic Sen.-elect Abdul El-Sayed campaigned on Medicare for All and eliminating aid to Israel – reflects the electorate’s overall shift leftward in response to Mr. Trump’s policies, some analysts say.“It’s not an aberration that the left part of the Democratic Party is moving left,” says Matthew Grossmann, a political science professor at Michigan State University. “It’s the same thing that everybody is doing. It’s just that they started further left.”Still, red-state Democratic candidates made some notable breaks with their party to appeal to independent and Republican voters. In Texas, James Talarico credited President Donald Trump’s success on the border, and promised an “all-of-the-above” approach to energy that would expand oil and gas production along with renewables. In Kansas, Adam Hamilton talked about feeling a “moral tension” around abortion. In Iowa, Josh Turek ran an ad saying he opposed transgender athletes’ participation in women’s sports. All three won their Senate races.Mr. Turek’s ad drew public condemnation from some Democrats – with one local party chair withdrawing her endorsement of him, despite polls showing he was in a highly competitive race and had a chance to flip the seat. The outrage from the left was even louder on Election Day itself, when Mr. Turek told a local news outlet that he had voted for two down-ballot Republicans.“For the folks out there that say, you didn’t pass the purity test – too bad,” responds Mr. Tester. “In politics you’ve got to have thick skin.” As for Mr. Turek not having voted a straight Democratic ticket, Mr. Tester says simply: “I didn’t [either].” Some caution that for the new red-state Democrats to navigate policy divisions successfully they’ll need to maintain an open dialogue. “Having disappointed the left in my state on a number of occasions,” Ms. Heitkamp says wryly, it’s critical to “keep communicating.” Town halls and ongoing conversations with stakeholders, she says, can go a long way. Deepen your worldviewwith Monitor Highlights.Politics with respectGet political stories with respectful analysis.There‘s a world of new ideas in everyBooks newsletter.There‘s more to life, enrich yours withCulture & Learning weekly.Follow humanity‘s discoveries withScience & Nature stories in your inbox.Gain a spiritual perspectivefrom the stories in your inbox.Want to understand the deeper impact of critical events? Learn the Monitor‘s insight.Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads. Bottom line, the new members are “really good candidates,” Mr. Tester says. And in his experience, party leaders often are more understanding behind closed doors about the need to occasionally break ranks – since, after all, they want their party to retain the seat.“They’re gonna have to do what’s right by their constituents,” he says. “And if they do that, they’ll get reelected.” ALREADY A SUBSCRIBER? 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