A purge against Orbán-era billionaires could begin this autumn (Day 80 of the Tisza government in Hungary)

A few months ago, we launched our series in which we provided weekly summaries of the news from Hungary’s election campaign. The series continues so that we can report on developments following the historic election and on the steps taken by the new Tisza government. This week, we cover the following topics: Viktor Orbán: There is no time for self-reflection. Tisza’s support has fallen by five percentage points. The National Office for Asset Recovery and Protection is being established. Have the blue posters returned? Viktor Orbán: there is no time for self-reflection Last Saturday, Viktor Orbán attended the Bálványos Summer University as an opposition politician for the first time in 16 years. In recent years, this was where he had set the direction for his political camp. Anyone who expected him to finally rally Fidesz voters after the April election and tell them what they should do was bound to be disappointed: the former prime minister had nothing new to say. Orbán still does not understand what happened in Hungary or what voters had finally had enough of. Although he proclaimed resistance to the Tisza government, Fidesz could be substituted into every accusation he levelled against the new government. According to Orbán, democracy and the rule of law are now being dismantled in Hungary in the interest of exercising exclusive power, the government is pursuing a politics of revenge, and the Tisza government’s motto is: “Those who are not with us are against us.” In his view, the new government is aggressive and violent, abusing its power. According to Orbán, there is no time for self-criticism because freedom in Hungary is in danger. He then conjured up the prospect of Hungary being plundered for a fifth time – following Trianon, the reparations imposed after the Second World War, and the two socialist-liberal governments. He claimed that the Fidesz governments had doubled the nation’s wealth. In reality, however, over the past 16 years, the entire nation has watched the inconceivable enrichment of Orbán’s childhood friend Lőrinc Mészáros, his son-in-law István Tiborcz, and the Matolcsy clan and its associates, as well as the plundering of the country and the Hungarian National Bank. He once again lashed out at young people, tried to frighten his audience with the introduction of the euro, and predicted that economic difficulties would turn Tisza voters against the new government as early as this autumn. Orbán did not say a single word, however, about the fact that he himself had steered the Hungarian economy into a situation in which analysts are not ruling out a budget deficit of more than eight percent by the end of this year. The audience heard an empty speech devoid of its former magic from a weary politician who most closely resembles a spent uranium rod: it may still glow, but it no longer has any power. “There is no point in concerning ourselves with an irredeemable, fallen mafia boss,” Magyar said in response to Orbán’s sermon in Tusványos. “There is no point in concerning ourselves with an irredeemable, fallen mafia boss,” Magyar said in response to Orbán’s sermon in Tusványos (Source: Peter Magyar) Tisza’s support has fallen by five percentage points Support for the Tisza Party has declined since June by an amount within the margin of error, or hovering at its edge, according to a Medián poll conducted for HVG between July 22 and 24. Among decided voters certain to vote, 68 percent would cast their ballots for Tisza, 23 percent would choose Fidesz, and 7 percent would vote for Mi Hazánk. Compared with the poll conducted at the end of June, this represents a slight decline for Magyar’s party from its previous 73 percent, as well as a small increase for Orbán’s party from 21 percent and for Hazánk from 4 percent. Among the population as a whole, 57 percent would vote for Magyar’s party in a hypothetical election “held in the near future.” Medián’s analysis from the end of June suggested that Tisza’s support had peaked. In contrast with the figures recorded at the time, support for the governing party has now fallen by three to five percentage points, although Tisza still commands a majority of more than two-thirds among decided voters certain to vote. Fidesz has stabilised its position: 19 percent of the population as a whole, 22 percent of decided voters, and 23 percent of certain voters said they would vote for Fidesz. On all three measures, this represents an increase from the previous month within the margin of error. The Medián poll was conducted immediately after Tamás Sulyok’s term in office ended and Magyar first announced broad consultations on the selection of the new president of the republic, before proposing Judit Polgár, the greatest female chess player of all time, as head of state. She declined the invitation, however.